Full Text Israel Political Brief September 11, 2014: PM Benjamin Netanyahu’s speech addressing the International Conference on Counter-Terrorism — Transcript



PM Netanyahu addresses International Conference on Counter-Terrorism

Source: MFA, 9-11-14

International Institute for Counter-Terrorism’s 14th International Conference on Counter-Terrorism

PM Netanyahu addresses International Conference on Counter-Terrorism

  PM Netanyahu addresses International Conference on Counter-Terrorism

There’s no meaningful power without responsibility. Well, you could have it but it’s worthless or worse, it could be very dangerous. So all of us entrusted in power, with power, have responsibility and I’ll talk about that later – what our responsibilities entail at this moment.

But I’d like to say a few words before that not only to you, our host, Dr. Ganor, who I remember from our youth, and the many guests here from abroad, but most especially to Ambassador Shapiro of the United States of America  and to the people of the United States.

We remember that day thirteen years ago and we mourn with you on this day for the thousands who lost their lives in that horrific attack. All of Israel mourned on September 11th. In Gaza, they were dancing on the roofs. They were handing out candy. That’s the moral divide. We mourn; they celebrate the death of thousands of innocents. And then when the US took out Bin-Laden, I speaking for virtually the entire country congratulated President Obama. In Gaza, Hamas condemned the US and called Bin-Laden a “holy warrior”, a holy warrior of Islam. That’s the moral divide. We celebrate; they mourn the death of an arch-terrorist.

Now that moral divide has never been clearer than it is today because Hamas, like al-Qaeda and its affiliates al-Nusra or its new growth ISIS or Boko Haram, al-Shabab, Hezbollah supported by Iran – all are branches of the same poisonous tree. All present a clear and present danger to the peace and security of the world and to our common civilization.

I believe that the battle against these groups is indivisible and it’s important not to let any of these groups succeed anywhere because if they gain ground somewhere, they gain ground everywhere. And their setbacks are also felt everywhere. If they gain ground, if they were to succeed, they would return humanity to a primitive early medievalism. I say early medievalism because my father, my late father was a great historian of the Middle Ages and I’d be giving them too much compliment – early medievalism, primitive early medievalism where women are treated as chattel, as property and gays are stoned and minorities persecuted if they’re left alive at all.

And these groups must be fought, they must be rolled back and they must ultimately be defeated. That’s why Israel fully supports President Obama’s call for united actions against ISIS. All civilized countries should stand together in the fight against radical terrorism that sweeps across the Middle East, sweeps across the world. And we are playing our part in this continued effort. Some of the things are known; some things are less known. We have always viewed it as our common battle for our common future.

Now the fight against Islamist terrorism has created new alliances in the Middle East because many Sunni Arab states recognize that the threat of Iran’s aggression and its radical Shiite proxies pose a fundamental danger to them, as does fundamentalist Sunni terrorism. And as a result of this, these twin threats of radical Shi’ism using terrorist tactics, radical Sunnism using terrorist tactics – as a result of this, they’re reevaluating their relationship with Israel and they understand that Israel is not their enemy but their ally in the fight against this common enemy. And I believe this presents an opportunity for cooperation and perhaps an opportunity for peace.

I think it’s crucial not to let the fight against Sunni extremism make us forget the danger of Shiite extremism. They are two sides of the same coin. We don’t have to strengthen one to weaken the other. My policy is: Weaken both. And most importantly, don’t allow any of them to get weapons of mass destruction. And that’s why the arrangement that was achieved in Syria to disband and take out the chemical weapons and chemical materials was so important. And I think President Obama had a very important achievement there. We understand what it would mean that any of these sides would have weapons of mass destruction because all you have to imagine is what would have happened if on 9/11 al-Qaeda had nuclear weapons. You know they would have used them against New York and against Washington. It’s unassailable.

These groups have absolutely no moral or other impediment to their mad desires. Once they have massive power, they will unleash all their violence, all their ideological zeal, all their hatred, with weapons of mass death. And all you have to imagine is what would have happened if al-Qaeda today had access to chemical weapons in Syria. Well then, project that: What would happen if the terrorist regime in Iran will have weapons of mass destruction, nuclear weapons? They control themselves today. They’ve put up a good front. But they have tremendous, tremendous ambitions. Not for Iran; for Shi’ism from Iran. And those ambitions would be unleashed once they have nuclear weapons in their capacity. They must not have it.

Now the world powers are now negotiating with Iran and I hope they make a good deal because a bad deal should not be made. I’ll tell you what a good deal is: The one that was made in Syria, because what that deal said was take the chemical weapons and the materials, the chemicals themselves and the means to make the weapons, out of Syria. They didn’t say to Assad, “Keep them, store them and we’ll put an inspector. You know, we’ll lock it with a padlock and we’ll put an inspector next to it”, because at any point Assad could kick out the inspector – I’m not saying that’s Inspector Clouseau… a good inspector. But the whole idea of breakout is you throw away the inspector and you rush, once you unlock the storehouses, you rush to make the weapons. That’s what Iran is seeking. Iran is seeking to keep the enriched nuclear material, to keep the centrifuges, to keep the means to make nuclear weapons in short order – we’ll put a padlock on it and we’ll put an inspector, inspectors there. And then at a certain point when there are international crises that consume our attention, and you know these never happen these days, right? Kick out the inspectors, break the lock, you break out. Within weeks, a few months, they have nuclear weapons. That’s a bad deal.

And if Iran has nuclear weapons, you will see a tremendous pivot in the world. No, not in the Middle East – in the world. You will see things you never imagined could be possible, horrors that you couldn’t even contemplate, come to fruition. The ultimate terror: A terrorist regime with the weapons of the greatest terror of them all. We must not let that happen.

So we have no shortage of threats and they have come about as a result of the collapse of the old order. It collapsed about a hundred years ago. It collapsed rather in a way that has not happened in the last hundred years, the so-called Arab Spring, which has not materialized as some people had thought. I think it’s now clear that the forces of democracy have not come to the fore and if anything, what we’ve seen is old regimes collapse and Islamist forces come to the surface, old hatreds – Shiite against Shiite, but primarily Shiite against Sunni, Sunni against Sunni – all come bursting from subterranean layers of history and frustration. And they all have one common goal. The goal is we establish a new Islamist dominion, first in the Middle East and in their warped thinking, throughout the world. They all agree on that. They are not limited in their scope to a territory. They’re not limited to borders. They are basically… they may be pivoted in a state, they may be anchored in a particular place, but their goal is to take the entire world, to cleanse it of infidels – first their own people, Muslims, and then everyone else. Madness.

They all agree that they have to establish a caliphate. They all disagree who should be the caliph. That’s the nature of their disagreements. And they all use essentially the same tactic and that’s unbridled violence, fear – fear – terror. And the terror is first of all imposed on their own peoples. That’s the number one target before anyone else. If your people want to rise up against you as they did in Iran five years ago, you kill them. You send out your troopers to the streets, besiege and just shoot them on the sidewalks. You steal millions of votes, people protest – you shoot them. But it’s not enough to shoot them one time. You constantly shoot them or to be more precise, in Iran you hang them.

Anywhere between 1,000 to 2,000 people are annually executed, executed in Iran. I’m not talking about criminals; I’m not talking about people who have broken the law – people who have the temerity to have a different view, question the regime. And they’re hung in public squares and sometimes they’re hung from cranes. They don’t have enough scaffolds. And you see the same thing, the same thing – it doesn’t receive the same prominence – from ISIS, same technique. You take over a population. The first thing is, yes, you lop heads off in this tragic barbarism that we witness, but you also take people to the burial pits and you shoot them by the hundreds and thousands.

And we’ve just seen the same in Gaza. During the fighting, there was a lull. Gazans went out to look at their surroundings, started protesting at what Hamas did to them and Hamas had a very simple thing in response – they shot them. These aren’t the executions you heard about. These are the executions you didn’t hear about. And then towards the end of the fighting, just to make sure that everybody gets the message, as in Iran, as in Iraq today, so in Gaza – they take out 25 people from the jails, Fatah people who have been there for years, and they accuse them – listen to this – they accuse them that they are the ones who gave Israel real-time intelligence for our military actions. Kind of hard to do. I don’t know. Maybe we dug a tunnel underneath, came to their jail cells, received… That’s not funny. They take them out into the public squares and they put a bullet in their heads for everyone to see.

So the tactics are uniform. Terror first of all against your own people. There’s a larger imperative. We know this. We’ve seen this before. There’s a master race; now there’s a master faith. And that allows you to do anything to anyone, but first of all to your own people and then to everyone else. And what do you do to everyone else? For that you use new techniques. And the new techniques involve first of all taking over civilian populations, putting yourself inside civilian areas contravening the laws of war and the Geneva Convention; using your people as human shields, the same people you execute; and then firing indiscriminately at civilians. You hide behind civilians, you fire on civilians. And you fire rockets and missiles. And this creates a whole new set of problems. And these problems are born of the fact that it’s much harder to fight this kind of terror – much harder. It’s much easier to fight an army: tanks, artillery, command centers, open spaces. You destroy that, you destroy the army. End of war.

But these people, because they’re forcing you to face up to the moral limits that democracies obey, are basically forcing you to fight a new war and that new war requires two things. It’s requires the ability to have precision-guided munitions to be able to target the terrorists who are targeting you from inside civilians areas, but to try to limit the damage – what is called collateral damage or the incidental civilians casualties that accompany any war. Here they’re placed right in there, deliberately, by the terrorists. So you need precision weapons. You also need very precise intelligence. But the second thing – and that’s very, very expensive. I’m going to say that in Hebrew in a second. We have defense budget discussions. That’s very expensive. It’s much more expensive than dealing with tanks or artillery or regular armies.

And the second thing you have to do is defend yourself against the missiles that they pour on your own population, what we call the rear but in this case it’s the front because your cities are targeted. Well, we figured out, with the help of the United States for which we’re deeply grateful, we developed a system to protect ourselves against this terror, these terror attacks from the sky. And that too is very, very expensive.

So dealing with this new type of war actually is more difficult than dealing with the old type of war. But that’s the war that we’re facing. That’s the terror war that we now face. We face Islamist terrorists who take entire communities, cities, populations, hostage; who execute dissenters; who hide among civilians; and fire on civilians. That’s the new war. We have to make sure that they don’t have weapons of mass destruction because they have no inhibitions. But we also have to make sure that we have the capability to attack them and to defend against their attacks. And that requires weapons, defensive and offensive, but above all it requires, I believe, clarity and courage – clarity to understand they’re wrong, we’re right; they’re evil, we’re good. No moral relativism there at all. These people who lop off heads, trample human rights into the dust – are evil and they have to be resisted. Evil has to be resisted. And the second, it requires courage and responsibility. It requires courage because all the other qualities that we could bring to bear in the battle against terrorism are meaningless if you don’t have courage.

I think we have reservoirs of both, but I think that we have to also recognize that we are in a great historic juncture. I may surprise you when I tell you that I think militant Islam will be defeated. I think it will be, I think it will ultimately disappear from the stage of history because I think it’s a grand failure – it doesn’t know how to manage economies, it cannot offer the young people to which it appeals any kind of future. It can control their minds for now but ultimately the spread of information technology will obviate that, will give people choices. But this may take a long time. And we’ve been able to predict in the past that radical ideologies – which inflame the minds of millions – set their sights on minorities, usually starts with the Jews, it never ends with the Jews. They ultimately fail too. That happened in the last century. But before they failed, they took down tens of millions with them and a third of our own people. That will never happen again.

Clarity and courage, alliances as broad as we can make them with those who understand that we’re in a common battle, and courage to see this through, to roll back an ultimate victory. I’m confident that militant Islam will perish, but we must not allow anyone to perish with it before it goes down. That’s our task.

Full Text September 11, 2011: Israeli PM Benjamin Netanyahu’s Address at 9/11 Ceremony



Address by PM Netanyahu 9.11 Ceremony, Jerusalem House of Quality

Source: PMO, 9-11-11

Dan, I’m just going to speak in Hebrew one sentence.  I want to speak in English in order to speak to American citizens on this day and to citizens of the world.
Firstly, I think Ambassador Shapiro is absolutely right.  There is a remarkable fortitude and resilience to the people of America and the people of Israel and the people of all free societies.  There is a tremendous power in freedom.  There’s a tremendous confidence and yes, sometimes democracies slumber, but they always somehow manage to wake up in time and I believe that there’s no greater bond in facing the scourge of terrorism, the scourge of wild ideologies that have no inhibitions, and the use of violence against innocent civilians, there is no greater bond in this battle than the bond between Israel and America because it reflects the deepest bond of two societies that were born in freedom and that share so many ideals and so many values.
You say Dan that my being here is an expression of our bond, and your being here in Jerusalem today on 9/11 is the same expression of that same bond.
I want to thank Refael Eldor and the members of Jerusalem’s Quality House for bringing in this tremendous exhibit by Robby Berman who happened to be there or wanted to be there – not as a photographer but who made, I think an important contribution to the documentation of the greatest act of terror in history and to the spirit that guided the brave firefighters and policemen and citizens who did everything in their power in that smoke and in that darkness to try to save what lives could be saved.
There is something very powerful on this day – exactly this day, perhaps exactly this hour one decade later.  Historic epochs sometimes take centuries to unfold.  But only ten years have passed since that infamous day on which those remarkable pictures here on display – since those pictures were taken.  But I believe that a decade is long enough to take stock of where we are in this great struggle between civilization and barbarism.
This is the great struggle of our time, but it didn’t begin on September 11th.  9/11did however introduce the world to the dangers of terrorism employed by militant Islam.  It introduced the world to the fanatic creed that guides its adherents.
And 9/11 also launched a decade in which two American Presidents were engaged in this historic confrontation.  During that decade, the forces of civilization have enjoyed many victories.  The Taliban were driven from power.  Saddam Hussein’s regime was toppled.  Osama bin Laden was killed.  And the U.S. President should be congratulated for this action.  I think that it’s something symbolic of the fact that President Obama ordered the elimination of Osama Bin Laden as we close this decade.   That is both a symbolic and substantive victory.  And there were also many terror plots were thwarted during this time.
But still the forces of terror during these years also enjoyed some victories.  They struck in Bali, in London and Madrid, in Mumbai and yes, here in Jerusalem and elsewhere.  They control Lebanon.  They control Gaza.  And they’re racing to develop nuclear weapons in Tehran.
Ten years after 9/11, the possibility that the world’s most dangerous weapons will fall into the hands of the world’s most dangerous regimes – that possibility is all too real.  And the ultimate terrorist nightmare – a potential nuclear terrorist attack – could soon become a real and present danger.

This must not be allowed to happen.  The international community, led by the United States, must do everything in its power to prevent Iran from developing nuclear weapons.  Now with this battle between barbarism and civilization being waged and still undecided in the Middle East, – there is however a new force that has emerged in this region.
Those who demand freedom and opportunity, and those who demand basic human dignity, are rising up against calcified and repressive regimes, regimes that have long denied their peoples the entry ticket into modernity.  But alongside the democrats who are hoping for a better future for themselves and their peoples – alongside them stand militants seeking to return to what they see as a glorious past – a past where a Caliphate stretched from the Atlantic Ocean to the Indus River, and from the Horns of Africa to the gates of Vienna.  This is what possesses their imagination and this is what fires their zeal.
Now Militant Islam has not been a major force in triggering this revolution in the Arab world and throughout the Middle East.  But we must make sure that it will not prove decisive in determining their outcome.  In Egypt, Syria, Libya, in Yemen and elsewhere, militant Islamic forces are trying to hijack the Arab Spring.  They’re trying to preclude any possibility of genuine democracy, progress, and peace.
We saw such an attempt in Cairo two days ago.  I just came here from a meeting with Yonatan, the chief security officer in our Embassy in Cairo and he and his five colleagues displayed a tremendous coolness of judgment in virtually impossible circumstances and they no doubt deserve credit for acting with great courage and great wisdom.   But I want to take this opportunity to convey a special thanks to President Obama who intervened at a crucial moment to help us safeguard our people and return them home.
I think we all face these common foes.  They threaten the new order that we all want to see in the new Arab world.  They reject freedom and they reject modernity and we must be sure that they will not be allowed to destroy the hopes of hundreds of millions throughout the Middle East.
In the last decade, much blood has been spilled and much treasure has been spent.  Too much is at stake for our common future to allow the forces of radical militancies to impose an even greater tyranny on the peoples of the region.
My friends, the pictures on display here cry out to us to remember; to remember those who attacked America; to remember why they attacked America; to remember the many thousands felled by terrorism on 9/11 and the many thousands who were murdered since 9/11; and to remember the thousands of brave soldiers who have paid the ultimate price in fighting terrorism since then.
On this day, let us remember them.   And let us recommit ourselves to doing all in our power to ensure that the forces of barbarism are defeated and that the forces of progress and peace will prevail.
Thank you very much.

דברי ראש הממשלה באירוע לציון עשור לאסון התאומים בית אות המוצר הירושלמי

11/09/2011 – יום ראשון י”ב אלול תשע”א

Source: PMO, 9-11-11

– הטקסט עבר התאמת עריכה –
ראשית, אני חושב שהשגריר שפירו צודק בהחלט. לעם באמריקה, לעם בישראל, ולאנשים בכל החברות החופשיות יש עוצמה וחוסן יוצאים מן הכלל. בחירות יש כוח עצום, ביטחון אדיר. כן, לפעמים גם דמוקרטיות נרדמות על השמירה, אך הן תמיד איכשהו מתעוררות בזמן. אני מאמין שאין קשר חזק יותר במאבק המשותף נגד פורענות הטרור, הפורענות שבאידיאולוגיות פראיות שאינן יודעות מעצורים והשימוש באלימות נגד אזרחים תמימים, אין קשר הדוק יותר במאבק הזה מאשר בין אמריקה לישראל, כיון שהוא משקף את החיבור העמוק ביותר, בין שתי חברות שנולדו מתוך חופש וחולקות אידיאלים רבים כל כך, שותפים לערכים רבים כל כך. אתה אומר, דן, שנוכחותי כאן היא ביטוי לחיבור הזה בינינו, ואני אומר, היותך כאן בירושלים, ב-11 בספטמבר, הוא גם כן ביטוי לאותו חיבור.

אני רוצה להודות לרפאל אלדור ולחברי בית אות המוצר הירושלמי שהביאו את התערוכה המופתית הזאת של רובי ברמן שבמקרה היה במקום ולא רצה להיות שם – לא כצלם אלא כמי שתרם לדעתי תרומה חשובה לתיעוד התקפת הטרור הנוראית ביותר בהיסטוריה ותיעוד הרוח שכיוונה את הכבאים האמיצים, השוטרים והאזרחים שבעשן ובחשכה ששררו שם, עשו כמיטב יכולתם כדי להציל את אלה שניתן היה להציל.

יש משהו עצמתי היום. ביום הזה בדיוק, אולי בשעה הזאת בדיוק, עשר שנים מאוחר יותר. לעיתים נדרשות מאות שנים עד שמתהווה אפוס היסטורי. רק עשר שנים עברו מאז אותו יום ארור שבו צולמו התמונות הבלתי רגילות האלה שבתערוכה. אני מאמין שעשור הוא זמן ארוך מספיק כדי שנבחן היכן אנו עומדים במאבק הנורא בין תרבות לברבריות. זהו המאבק הגדול של העת הזאת, אך הוא לא החל ב-11 בספטמבר. ב-11 בספטמבר, ראה העולם את הסכנה שבטרור אסלאמי מיליטנטי. יום זה הדגים לעולם מהי האמונה הפנאטית שנאמנה לטרור זה. הוא גם פתח עשור שבו שני נשיאים אמריקניים התעסקו בעימות ההיסטורי הזה.

במהלך העשור הזה, כוחות התרבות נחלו ניצחונות רבים. הטאליבן נדחק מעמדת הכוח; משטרו של סדאם חוסיין הופל; אוסאמה בין לאדן נהרג – וראוי שנברך את נשיא ארה”ב על הפעולה הזאת. אני חושב שיש משהו סמלי בעובדה שהנשיא אובמה נתן את הפקודה לחסל את אוסאמה בין לאדן לקראת ציון העשור ל-11 בספטמבר. זהו ניצחון סימבולי וגם מהותי. תוכניות רבות לפיגועי טרור סוכלו במהלך הזמן הזה. אך גם כוחות הטרור נחלו הצלחות במהלך השנים האלה. הם תקפו בבאלי, לונדון, מדריד, מומבאי וגם פה בירושלים ובמקומות אחרים. הם שולטים בלבנון ובעזה והם נמצאים בעיצומו של מרוץ לפיתוח נשק גרעיני בטהרן.

עשר שנים לאחר 11 בספטמבר, האפשרות שהנשק המסוכן ביותר בעולם ייפול בידי המשטרים המסוכנים ביותר בעולם היא מציאותית מדי. סיוט הטרור האולטימטיבי, האפשרות להתקפת טרור גרעינית, יכולה להיהפך בקרוב לסכנה ברורה ומיידית. אסור לתת לזה לקרות. הקהילה הבינלאומית, בהנהגת ארצות הברית, צריכה לעשות כל שביכולתה כדי למנוע מאירן לפתח נשק גרעיני.

למאבק הזה בין ברבריות לתרבות שמתנהל במזרח התיכון, שטרם הוכרע, הצטרף כוח חדש שצץ לאחרונה באזור. אלה הדורשים חופש והזדמנות, אלה הדורשים כבוד אדם בסיסי מתקוממים נגד משטרים מנוונים ומדכאים, משטרים שמזמן מונעים מעמיהם את כרטיס הכניסה לעידן המודרני. לצידם של הדמוקרטים שמייחלים לעתיד טוב יותר לעצמם ולעמיהם עומדים גם אלה שמבקשים לחזור למה שעבורם הוא עבר מפואר, עבר שבו השתרעה ח’ליפות בין האוקיינוס האטלנטי לנהר ההינדוס, ובין קרן אפריקה לשערי וינה. עבר זה הוא מה שמעורר את דמיונם ומצית את הקנאות שלהם.

האיסלאם המיליטנטי לא הצית את המהפכה שמתרחשת בעולם הערבי וברחבי המזרח התיכון. ועלינו לוודא שלא תהיה לו השפעה בקביעת התוצאות. במצרים, בסוריה, בלוב, בתימן ובמדינות אחרות כוחות איסלאמיים מיליטנטיים מנסים לחמוס את האביב הערבי. הם מנסים למנוע את האפשרות של דמוקרטיה אמיתית, קידמה ושלום. לפני יומיים ראינו ניסיון כזה בקהיר. לכאן הגעתי מפגישה עם יונתן, קצין הביטחון בשגרירות שלנו בקהיר. הוא וחמשת חבריו הפגינו קור רוח ושיקול דעת בלתי רגילים בתנאים כמעט בלתי אפשריים. אין ספק שמגיעה להם הערכה על שפעלו באומץ לב ובתבונה גדולה.

אני רוצה לנצל את ההזדמנות הזאת, כדי להביע את תודתי לנשיא אובמה שהתערב בנקודה מכריעה כדי לעזור לנו להגן על אנשינו ולהחזיר אותם הביתה. אני חושב שכולנו נלחמים מול האויבים המשותפים האלה. הם מאיימים על הסדר החדש שכולנו רוצים לראות בעולם הערבי. הם מסתייגים מחופש ומודרניות ועלינו להבטיח שלא יתאפשר להם להחריב את תקוותיהם של מאות מיליונים ברחבי המזרח התיכון. בעשור האחרון נשפך דם רב מידי וכסף רב מידי פוזר. המחיר על העתיד המשותף שלנו גדול מדי מכדי שנאפשר לכוחות של צבאות רדיקליים לכפות עריצות גדולה אפילו יותר על עמי האזור.

ידידיי, התמונות פה בתערוכה זועקות אלינו שנזכור. לזכור את אלה שתקפו את אמריקה; לזכור מדוע הם תקפו את אמריקה; לזכור את אלפי הקורבנות שנפלו קורבן לטרור ב-11 בספטמבר ואת האלפים הרבים שנרצחו מאז; לזכור את אלפי החיילים האמיצים ששילמו מאז את המחיר הגבוה ביותר במלחמה בטרור. ביום הזה, הבה נזכור אותם. הבה נתחייב שוב לעשות את כל שביכולתנו כדי לוודא שכוחות הברבריות יובסו ושכוחות השלום יגברו.

תודה רבה.

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